Workers' Liberty
martin
Author: Hein Htet Kyaw
29 November, 2024
Pic: Wikimedia
China has many different economic interests in Myanmar. Oil and gas pipelines that reach Kunming in southern China, the Wanbao copper mines, hydropower projects in Kachin and northern Shan states, their special economic zone and the planned deep-water intermodal container port in Kyaukphyu, and the rare earth and jade mines in Kachin are a few of them.
Since the early days of the Myanmar’s Spring revolution up to at least around 2023, China has played neutral but offered lip service to restoring peace and stability in Myanmar by urging the Myanmar military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi. However, since late 2023 and early 2024, China has started to side more and more with the Myanmar military junta.
In fact, the resistance alliance marked an important turning point in Myanmar's history of resistance, and the military junta has lost a great deal of land as a result of Operation 1027. It is the first time in Myanmar's history that a military regime is losing such a significant amount of territory. However, that turning point is about to be overturned by China.
In August 2024, China warned the resistance groups inside Myanmar not to continue offensive attacks against the Myanmar military junta. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army was one of the resistance groups which received a letter via the security committee in the Chinese border town of Ruili. In the same week, on the Chinese side of the China-Myanmar border, the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Army and Air Force conducted a combined live-fire drill (Global Times, 2024). China claimed that the fire drill was a response to reported artillery shells damaging structures and hurting people on its territory due to the battles between resistance groups and the Myanmar military junta.
That sparked public outrage since it was considered a direct method of warning the resistance groups such as EAO (Ethnic Armed Organisation) from Myanmar not to pursue overthrowing the Myanmar military junta. The public in Myanmar were against China’s support for the Myanmar military junta.
Since 1988, China has in fact been supportive of the Myanmar military juntas. There used to a popular culture among the resistance movements to joke about China’s imperialism and India’s imperialism favouring military dictatorship in Myanmar while the West sanctioned the military dictatorships. It’s the same spectre seen lately.
The China-Myanmar consulate office was attacked by some armed groups in Myanmar around October 2024. Even though it’s highly possible that the Myanmar military junta is the one behind it for propaganda purposes, there is a lack of evidence to prove such a claim. The Myanmar military junta regime claimed that the attack was done by the resistance groups and that NUG is pro-western capitalist group which is acting out a colour revolution. Some fraction of the Eurocentric Trotskyist and Stalinist left has echoed such counter-revolutionary narratives.
A publication called “Red Fire”, led by an Australian Trotskyist, had an analysis with the title “Western Backed 'Pro-Democracy' Terrorists Wage War in Myanmar” (redfireonline, 2023). Such stupid analysis is not taken seriously by most of the Australian left. However, it turns out that China, along with the Myanmar military junta, has a similar analysis. Since then, we have seen the Myanmar junta receive six more Chinese warplanes while that junta was busy with deadly airstrikes on unarmed civilians.
The Myanmar military junta had been more aligned to Russia than China in recent years. A representative of the Myanmar military junta even asked for Russia’s military support against the resistance groups recently in August 2024 (The Irrawaddy, 2024). However, following the high-level visits of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Naypyidaw and Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of the Myanmar junta, to China, both countries agreed to permit the use of Chinese private military companies (PMCs) in Myanmar (Abuza, 2024).
Furthermore, China’s EXIM Bank has reportedly agreed to provide $200m interest-free loan for digital infrastructure projects inside Myanmar.
China’s PMCs can be widely seen in Africa and other Asian countries. China’s foreign policies regarding Africa demonstrate neo-colonial and imperialistic undertones. Through financial investments in the construction of mining and telecommunications infrastructure, China supported Francois Bozize's dictatorial rule in the Central African Republic in 2003, keeping the economy and, consequently, the regime, stable (CHAN, 2018). This is an example of another neo-colonialist pattern, making Chinese economic activity in African states similar to Western colonialism. Such private military companies operating in Myanmar are a reminder of the ugly British colonialism.
The East India Company, with its own military and administrative functions, played a vital role in the First Anglo-Burmese War. The economic interests of the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation, a leading producer of teak in Burma with special interests in cotton, oil exploration and shipping played a vital role in the third Anglo-Burmese War. Both the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation and the East India Company conducted their own military (security) operations and administrative functions inside Burma (Myanmar) before and during the colonial era.
With the news of the ICC's warrant for Netanyahu, the Myanmar public demanded that the leader of the Myanmar military dictatorship, Min Aung Hlaing, also be under the ICC's warrant. The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has requested the ICC issue a warrant against Min Aung Hlaing. China's foreign ministry said that the International Criminal Court (ICC) must be "just and fair" and exercise its duty "prudently" (Reuters, 2024).
Min Aung Hlaing is responsible for attempted genocide against the Rohingyas, and a lot of other Buddhist minority ethnic groups as well as Burmese unarmed civilians. In addition, while the western world is sanctioning Myanmar military junta, Russia and China are discussing with Myanmar to allow Myanmar under military junta to become an observer within BRICS.
If we consider the history of China, the May Fourth movement represented an anti-imperialist movement against the west as well as Japan. Also, May Fourth movement represented a movement that was anti-feudalist, progressivism and democracy in nature. Just as the May Fourth movement developed into the New Culture movement, Myanmar’s Spring Revolution since 2021 is the continuation of the previous revolutions against the Myanmar military junta.
Chen Yannian, one of the earliest members of the Communist Party of China and one of the leading activists from the May Fourth movement, refused to kneel down for his execution by the Kuomintang police. Similarly, Zayar Thaw, a martyr of Myanmar Spring revolution, and countless numbers of revolutionaries refused to kneel down to the Myanmar military junta. Zayar Thaw faced the same fate as Chen Yannian. He was executed but with pride. They raised the three-finger salute while they were being executed. Chen Yannian would stand in solidarity with us and join us to rebel against the military junta in the same way that he joined the Franch Communist Party.
The people in Myanmar were inspired by the revolutionary myths of cultural revolution and the economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping. Mao’s "people's war" has been discussed and studied by generations of revolutionaries from Myanmar since the 1960s. In that frame, the current decision of the CPC leadership to defend the "paper tiger" (Myanmar military junta) is indeed a wrong decision, one that could portray China as an imperialist force spreading its hegemony to Myanmar. The current CPC leadership is burying all the impressions Myanmar people have about Mao Zedong, Communist Party of China, and China’s claim of anti-imperialism.
In reality that China and BRICs are not anti-imperialist but instead sub-imperialist network of dictatorial regimes with genocide-denialism along with neo-colonial agendas.
Let me close this article by addressing what Chairman Deng Xiaoping once said the following at the Special Session of the U.N. General Assembly:
“If one day China should change her colour and turn into a superpower, if she too should play the tyrant in the world, and everywhere subject others to her bullying, aggression and exploitation, the people of the world should identify her as social-imperialism, expose it, oppose it and work together with the Chinese people to overthrow it”. (Xiaoping, 1974)
In fact, the resistance alliance marked an important turning point in Myanmar's history of resistance, and the military junta has lost a great deal of land as a result of Operation 1027. It is the first time in Myanmar's history that a military regime is losing such a significant amount of territory. However, that turning point is about to be overturned by China.
In August 2024, China warned the resistance groups inside Myanmar not to continue offensive attacks against the Myanmar military junta. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army was one of the resistance groups which received a letter via the security committee in the Chinese border town of Ruili. In the same week, on the Chinese side of the China-Myanmar border, the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Army and Air Force conducted a combined live-fire drill (Global Times, 2024). China claimed that the fire drill was a response to reported artillery shells damaging structures and hurting people on its territory due to the battles between resistance groups and the Myanmar military junta.
That sparked public outrage since it was considered a direct method of warning the resistance groups such as EAO (Ethnic Armed Organisation) from Myanmar not to pursue overthrowing the Myanmar military junta. The public in Myanmar were against China’s support for the Myanmar military junta.
Since 1988, China has in fact been supportive of the Myanmar military juntas. There used to a popular culture among the resistance movements to joke about China’s imperialism and India’s imperialism favouring military dictatorship in Myanmar while the West sanctioned the military dictatorships. It’s the same spectre seen lately.
The China-Myanmar consulate office was attacked by some armed groups in Myanmar around October 2024. Even though it’s highly possible that the Myanmar military junta is the one behind it for propaganda purposes, there is a lack of evidence to prove such a claim. The Myanmar military junta regime claimed that the attack was done by the resistance groups and that NUG is pro-western capitalist group which is acting out a colour revolution. Some fraction of the Eurocentric Trotskyist and Stalinist left has echoed such counter-revolutionary narratives.
A publication called “Red Fire”, led by an Australian Trotskyist, had an analysis with the title “Western Backed 'Pro-Democracy' Terrorists Wage War in Myanmar” (redfireonline, 2023). Such stupid analysis is not taken seriously by most of the Australian left. However, it turns out that China, along with the Myanmar military junta, has a similar analysis. Since then, we have seen the Myanmar junta receive six more Chinese warplanes while that junta was busy with deadly airstrikes on unarmed civilians.
The Myanmar military junta had been more aligned to Russia than China in recent years. A representative of the Myanmar military junta even asked for Russia’s military support against the resistance groups recently in August 2024 (The Irrawaddy, 2024). However, following the high-level visits of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Naypyidaw and Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of the Myanmar junta, to China, both countries agreed to permit the use of Chinese private military companies (PMCs) in Myanmar (Abuza, 2024).
Furthermore, China’s EXIM Bank has reportedly agreed to provide $200m interest-free loan for digital infrastructure projects inside Myanmar.
China’s PMCs can be widely seen in Africa and other Asian countries. China’s foreign policies regarding Africa demonstrate neo-colonial and imperialistic undertones. Through financial investments in the construction of mining and telecommunications infrastructure, China supported Francois Bozize's dictatorial rule in the Central African Republic in 2003, keeping the economy and, consequently, the regime, stable (CHAN, 2018). This is an example of another neo-colonialist pattern, making Chinese economic activity in African states similar to Western colonialism. Such private military companies operating in Myanmar are a reminder of the ugly British colonialism.
The East India Company, with its own military and administrative functions, played a vital role in the First Anglo-Burmese War. The economic interests of the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation, a leading producer of teak in Burma with special interests in cotton, oil exploration and shipping played a vital role in the third Anglo-Burmese War. Both the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation and the East India Company conducted their own military (security) operations and administrative functions inside Burma (Myanmar) before and during the colonial era.
With the news of the ICC's warrant for Netanyahu, the Myanmar public demanded that the leader of the Myanmar military dictatorship, Min Aung Hlaing, also be under the ICC's warrant. The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has requested the ICC issue a warrant against Min Aung Hlaing. China's foreign ministry said that the International Criminal Court (ICC) must be "just and fair" and exercise its duty "prudently" (Reuters, 2024).
Min Aung Hlaing is responsible for attempted genocide against the Rohingyas, and a lot of other Buddhist minority ethnic groups as well as Burmese unarmed civilians. In addition, while the western world is sanctioning Myanmar military junta, Russia and China are discussing with Myanmar to allow Myanmar under military junta to become an observer within BRICS.
If we consider the history of China, the May Fourth movement represented an anti-imperialist movement against the west as well as Japan. Also, May Fourth movement represented a movement that was anti-feudalist, progressivism and democracy in nature. Just as the May Fourth movement developed into the New Culture movement, Myanmar’s Spring Revolution since 2021 is the continuation of the previous revolutions against the Myanmar military junta.
Chen Yannian, one of the earliest members of the Communist Party of China and one of the leading activists from the May Fourth movement, refused to kneel down for his execution by the Kuomintang police. Similarly, Zayar Thaw, a martyr of Myanmar Spring revolution, and countless numbers of revolutionaries refused to kneel down to the Myanmar military junta. Zayar Thaw faced the same fate as Chen Yannian. He was executed but with pride. They raised the three-finger salute while they were being executed. Chen Yannian would stand in solidarity with us and join us to rebel against the military junta in the same way that he joined the Franch Communist Party.
The people in Myanmar were inspired by the revolutionary myths of cultural revolution and the economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping. Mao’s "people's war" has been discussed and studied by generations of revolutionaries from Myanmar since the 1960s. In that frame, the current decision of the CPC leadership to defend the "paper tiger" (Myanmar military junta) is indeed a wrong decision, one that could portray China as an imperialist force spreading its hegemony to Myanmar. The current CPC leadership is burying all the impressions Myanmar people have about Mao Zedong, Communist Party of China, and China’s claim of anti-imperialism.
In reality that China and BRICs are not anti-imperialist but instead sub-imperialist network of dictatorial regimes with genocide-denialism along with neo-colonial agendas.
Let me close this article by addressing what Chairman Deng Xiaoping once said the following at the Special Session of the U.N. General Assembly:
“If one day China should change her colour and turn into a superpower, if she too should play the tyrant in the world, and everywhere subject others to her bullying, aggression and exploitation, the people of the world should identify her as social-imperialism, expose it, oppose it and work together with the Chinese people to overthrow it”. (Xiaoping, 1974)
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