" ယူနီကုတ်နှင့် ဖော်ဂျီ ဖောင့် နှစ်မျိုးစလုံးဖြင့် ဖတ်နိုင်အောင်( ၂၁-၀၂-၂၀၂၂ ) မှစ၍ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါပြီ။ (  Microsoft Chrome ကို အသုံးပြုပါ ) "
Showing posts with label 1978. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1978. Show all posts

Monday, August 28, 2023

The Other Side of the Rohingya AsiaWeek – 14 July 1978



The Other Side of the Rohingya
AsiaWeek – 14 July 1978

 


Rangoon correspondent U Maung Maung reports on his recent (July 1978) secret visit to thetowns of Aykab (Sittwe), Buthidaung and Maungdaw:

Extracts: From the minarets of mosques in the townships I toured, I could hear the familiachant calling the devout to prayer. The sound seemed to support the government’scontention that there was no religious persecution in the area. I certainly saw no sign ofantipathy  among the non-Muslims towards Muslims.

Thursday, June 20, 2019

ကုလအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် နှုတ်ထွက်ပေးဖို့ ရိုဟင်ဂျာ အဖွဲ့တွေ တောင်းဆို

RFA 
လွတ်လပ်တဲ့ အာရှအသံ
2019-06-20

ကော့ဇ်ဘဇားဒေသ ကုတုပလောင် ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းက ရိုဟင်ဂျာတွေကို ၂၀၁၈ ဇွန်လ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့ကတွေ့ရစဉ် AFP Photo
                                         
မြန်မာ့အရေးနဲ့ပတ်သက်ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂရဲ့ကိုင်တွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်တွေ မအောင်မမြင်ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရတယ်ဆိုတဲ့အခြေ အနေနဲ့ ပတ်သက်ပြီး ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် Antonio Guterres အပါအဝင် ထိပ်တန်း အရာ ရှိကြီးတွေ ရာထူးကနေ နှုတ်ထွက်ဖို့နဲ့ အာဆီယံအရေးပေါ်တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရေးနဲ့ သုံးသပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ ERAT ရဲ့ အစီရင်ခံစာက မြန်မာအစိုးရရဲ့ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို အားပေးရာ ရောက်တဲ့အတွက် ပယ်ဖျက်ပေးဖို့ ရိုဟင်ဂျာအဖွဲ့အ စည်း တွေက တောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါတယ်။

Monday, May 13, 2019

Testimony of a Rohingya refugee in Bangladesh in 1978.

ina.fr

ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ရွိ နီလာ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းသို့ ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတိုင္းရင္းသား သန္႔စင္စစ္ဆင္ေရး "နဂါးမင္း" ၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ ၿမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလကတည္းက ၿမန္မာနိုင္ငံထဲက ေနေမာင္းထုတ္မြတ္စလင္လူနည္းစုမ်ား။ ၂၂ ႏွစ္ အရြယ္ရွိ ၿမန္မာေက်ာင္းသား တဦး ၿဖစ္သည့္ ေမာင္ေက်ာ္နုက ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ရက္စက္ယုတ္မာမွဳ မုဒိမ္းမႈ၊ ႏွိပ္စက္ညႇင္းပန္းမွဳမ်ားၿဖစ္သည့္ လူမိ်ဳးတုန္း သတ္ၿဖတ္ ေနမွဳမ်ားကို ေဆြးေနြးေနပံု။
.........................................................................................................................................

In Bangladesh, refugee camps of the Rohingya Muslim minority have been expelled from Burma since last February by the Burmese authorities as part of the "Dragon" ethnic cleansing operation. In Nila camp, a 22-year-old Burmese student, Maung KYAWNA, discusses the abuses against the Rohingya people in Burma: rape, torture, which he calls... 

Saturday, December 30, 2017

( 30.12.2017 ) Secret 1978 Document Indicates Burma Recognized Rohingya Legal Residence

Secret 1978 Document Indicates Burma Recognized Rohingya Legal Residence


, Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own.
As I detail in a prior article, Myanmar’s Buddhist government is systematically and repeatedly terrorizing the minority-Muslim Rohingya population into flight. Such attempts at what a senior U.N. official calls “ethnic cleansing” are clearly illegal, as is Myanmar’s related denial of residency rights to the Rohingya. But a 1978 “Repatriation Agreement” with Bangladesh marked “Secret” and published by Princeton University in 2014 constitutes evidence that in 1978, Myanmar acknowledged that the Rohingya had legal residence in the country. 

 Rohingya Muslim refugees along with Indian supporters shout slogans against human rights violations in Myanmar, during a march to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in New Delhi on December 19, 2016. Myanmar faces growing pressure from its neighbors over claims its army has carried out a bloody campaign of abuse against its Rohingya minority as ministers held emergency talks on the crisis. More than 27,000 from the Muslim ethnic group have fled northwestern Myanmar for Bangladesh since the start of November to escape a heavy-handed military counterinsurgency campaign. PRAKASH SINGH/AFP

Myanmar justifies its persecution of the Rohingya by publicly claiming that the Rohingya have no legal residence in the country, and should therefore move to Bangladesh, from which they ostensibly originate. The Myanmar government has even asked the international community to stop using the term “Rohingya” in an attempt to erase the Rohingya’s historical ties to Rakhine state that date to the 8th Century A.D. But the secret repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh in 1978 constitutes evidence that Myanmar recognized the Rohingyas’ legal residence in the country. An Asian diplomat who wishes to remain anonymous confirmed to me that this secret document is authentic. 

After 1962, Myanmar (which was then called Burma) renewed repression of Rohingya political and social associations. In 1977, Burma began registering citizens and screened out ‘foreigners,’ primarily to target the Rohingya. The Rohingya alleged that the Burmese military used forced evictions and widespread rapes and murders against the Rohingya. By May 1978, approximately 200,000 Rohingya refugees had entered Bangladesh and settled into 13 U.N. refugee camps near the border. The Burmese authorities publicly claimed that the fleeing refugees showed the Rohingya’s illegal residence in Burma. But Bangladesh urged Burma to accept the refugees back, and the U.N. used economic carrots and sticks to encourage Burma to agree.

The secret 1978 “Repatriation Agreement” that resulted states, “THE LEADERS OF DELEGATIONS, duly authorised by and on behalf of the Government of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma and the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, following their talks held in Dacca on 7th - 9th July 1978 HAVE AGREED as follows,” and continues, “The Government of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma agrees to the repatriation at the earliest of the lawful residents of Burma [italics mine] who are now sheltered in the camps in Bangladesh on the presentation of Burmese National Registration Cards along with the members of their families …” This constitutes evidence that in 1978, Burma agreed that the Rohingya refugees, most of whose families at one time had national registration cards or other documents, were by and large “lawful residents of Burma.”

Between 1991 and 1992, additional rapes, forced labor, and religious persecution caused another 250,000 Rohingya refugees to flee Myanmar for Bangladesh. A 1992 agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh similarly acknowledged the lawful residence of the Rohingya in Burma. Titled “Joint statement by the foreign ministers of Bangladesh & Myanmar issued at the conclusion of the official visit of the Myanmar Foreign Minister to Bangladesh 23 - 28 April 1992,” the agreement called the fleeing Rohingya “Myanmar residents” and “members of Myanmar society.”

 In this photograph taken on December 13, 2016, Muslim fishermen gather their net while they fish on the shore of Maungdaw facing the Bay of Bengal located in Myanmar's strife-torn Rakhine State near the Bangladesh border. Almost 27,000 Rohingya have crossed into Bangladesh since the beginning of November, the UN said on December 13, fleeing a bloody military campaign in Myanmar's western Rakhine State. KHINE HTOO MRAT/AFP/Getty Images

As long as Myanmar violates its past agreements and the human rights of the Rohingya, other states and corporations should increase economic and diplomatic pressure on the country. This should include the threat of economic sanctions, and increased diplomatic pressure on the civilian government, including de facto leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. On the Rohingya issue, her silence is wrong, as is her general support for the Myanmar military, and according to one knowledgeable source, “even protection of the military committing excesses.” At a minimum, she should publicly acknowledge the crimes being committed in Rakhine State, and support the voluntary return of the Rohingya and the Rohingya diaspora. 

Aung San Suu Kyi’s past efforts on solving land disputes have yielded little progress, and the national advisory commission she initiated on Rakhine State has no Rohingya members and is yet to produce recommendations. Her relatively quiet position of support for the Myanmar military hurts more than helps the cause of democracy and human rights. Because of her intransigence on the Rohingya crisis, over 200,000 people have signed a petition calling for the removal of her Nobel Peace Prize.

It is time for all parties, including governments, media, civil society, and corporations, to get much tougher on the Myanmar government and its military over the Rohingya issue. Reference should be made to the 1978 and 1992 agreements signed by Myanmar and recognizing Rohingya legal residence in the country. Myanmar must be held accountable, and must honor its Rohingya agreements, which include a recognition of the Rohingya’s lawful residence in Myanmar. The alternative for Myanmar is to face an international community ready to impose bruising political, diplomatic and economic consequences.
Please follow me on Twitter @anderscorr, or contact me at corr@canalyt.com.

https://www.forbes.com/sites/anderscorr/2016/12/29/secret-1978-document-indicates-burma-recognized-rohingya-legal-residence/2/#40049de35ba0

Friday, December 30, 2016

( 30.12.2016 ) Secret 1978 Document Indicates Burma Recognized Rohingya Legal Residence ( forbes.com )



Contributor
Anders Corr

I cover international politics, security and political risk.

As I detail in a prior article, Myanmar’s Buddhist government is systematically and repeatedly terrorizing the minority-Muslim Rohingya population into flight. Such attempts at what a senior U.N. official calls “ethnic cleansing” are clearly illegal, as is Myanmar’s related denial of residency rights to the Rohingya. But a 1978 “Repatriation Agreement” with Bangladesh marked “Secret” and published by Princeton University in 2014 constitutes evidence that in 1978, Myanmar acknowledged that the Rohingya had legal residence in the country.

Rohingya Muslim refugees along with Indian supporters shout slogans against human rights violations in Myanmar, during a march to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in New Delhi on December 19, 2016. Myanmar faces growing pressure from its neighbors over claims its army has carried out a bloody campaign of abuse against its Rohingya minority as ministers held emergency talks on the crisis. More than 27,000 from the Muslim ethnic group have fled northwestern Myanmar for Bangladesh since the start of November to escape a heavy-handed military counterinsurgency campaign. PRAKASH SINGH/AFP/Getty Images

Myanmar justifies its persecution of the Rohingya by publicly claiming that the Rohingya have no legal residence in the country, and should therefore move to Bangladesh, from which they ostensibly originate. The Myanmar government has even asked the international community to stop using the term “Rohingya” in an attempt to erase the Rohingya’s historical ties to Rakhine state that date to the 8th Century A.D. But the secret repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh in 1978 constitutes evidence that Myanmar recognized the Rohingyas’ legal residence in the country. An Asian diplomat who wishes to remain anonymous confirmed to me that this secret document is authentic.

After 1962, Myanmar (which was then called Burma) renewed repression of Rohingya political and social associations. In 1977, Burma began registering citizens and screened out ‘foreigners,’ primarily to target the Rohingya. The Rohingya alleged that the Burmese military used forced evictions and widespread rapes and murders against the Rohingya. By May 1978, approximately 200,000 Rohingya refugees had entered Bangladesh and settled into 13 U.N. refugee camps near the border. The Burmese authorities publicly claimed that the fleeing refugees showed the Rohingya’s illegal residence in Burma. But Bangladesh urged Burma to accept the refugees back, and the U.N. used economic carrots and sticks to encourage Burma to agree.

The secret 1978 “Repatriation Agreement” that resulted states, “THE LEADERS OF DELEGATIONS, duly authorised by and on behalf of the Government of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma and the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, following their talks held in Dacca on 7th - 9th July 1978 HAVE AGREED as follows,” and continues, “The Government of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma agrees to the repatriation at the earliest of the lawful residents of Burma [italics mine] who are now sheltered in the camps in Bangladesh on the presentation of Burmese National Registration Cards along with the members of their families …” This constitutes evidence that in 1978, Burma agreed that the Rohingya refugees, most of whose families at one time had national registration cards or other documents, were by and large “lawful residents of Burma.”

Between 1991 and 1992, additional rapes, forced labor, and religious persecution caused another 250,000 Rohingya refugees to flee Myanmar for Bangladesh. A 1992 agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh similarly acknowledged the lawful residence of the Rohingya in Burma. Titled “Joint statement by the foreign ministers of Bangladesh & Myanmar issued at the conclusion of the official visit of the Myanmar Foreign Minister to Bangladesh 23 - 28 April 1992,” the agreement called the fleeing Rohingya “Myanmar residents” and “members of Myanmar society.”

As long as Myanmar violates its past agreements and the human rights of the Rohingya, other states and corporations should increase economic and diplomatic pressure on the country. This should include the threat of economic sanctions, and increased diplomatic pressure on the civilian government, including de facto leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. On the Rohingya issue, her silence is wrong, as is her general support for the Myanmar military, and according to one knowledgeable source, “even protection of the military committing excesses.” At a minimum, she should publicly acknowledge the crimes being committed in Rakhine State, and support the voluntary return of the Rohingya and the Rohingya diaspora.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s past efforts on solving land disputes have yielded little progress, and the national advisory commission she initiated on Rakhine State has no Rohingya members and is yet to produce recommendations. Her relatively quiet position of support for the Myanmar military hurts more than helps the cause of democracy and human rights. Because of her intransigence on the Rohingya crisis, over 200,000 people have signed a petition calling for the removal of her Nobel Peace Prize.

It is time for all parties, including governments, media, civil society, and corporations, to get much tougher on the Myanmar government and its military over the Rohingya issue. Reference should be made to the 1978 and 1992 agreements signed by Myanmar and recognizing Rohingya legal residence in the country. Myanmar must be held accountable, and must honor its Rohingya agreements, which include a recognition of the Rohingya’s lawful residence in Myanmar. The alternative for Myanmar is to face an international community ready to impose bruising political, diplomatic and economic consequences.

Please follow me on Twitter @anderscorr, or contact me at corr@canalyt.com.

http://www.forbes.com/sites/anderscorr/2016/12/29/secret-1978-document-indicates-burma-recognized-rohingya-legal-residence/#3ff0fb183cb8

Bio Full

I worked in military intelligence for five years, including on nuclear weapons, terrorism, cyber-security, border security, and counter-insurgency. I covered and visited Asia and Europe, and worked in Afghanistan for one and a half years. I have a Ph.D. in Government from Harvard University, and a B.A. and M.A. in international relations from Yale University (Summa cum laude). My company, Corr Analytics, provides political risk analysis to commercial, non-profit, and media clients, and publishes the Journal of Political Risk. I am editing a series on the South China Sea conflict, and have covered and visited Africa, the Middle East and Latin America.

The author is a Forbes contributor. The opinions expressed are those of the writer.

Monday, December 5, 2016

( 05.12.2016 ) Between a Rock and a Hard Place: The Life of ‘Unwanted’ Rohingyas ( intpolicydigest ) Video

05 Dec 2016 Husnain Iqbal



At a time when the world is debating measures to deal with the refugee influx from the Middle East, the plight of the Rohingyas in another part of the world is being met with indifference. Maybe, this is due to the few numbers involved or that the geo-political placement of this ‘refugee’ crisis is far away from the lands of Western hegemonic interest and the suffering of this community is falling on deaf ears – even those of a Nobel Peace Prize winner.

At the heart of the Rohingya crisis is a question that relates to their identity which has made them ‘unwanted’ both in the territory where they have settled – Myanmar – as also in the country of their origin, Bangladesh. Their identity, or the lack there of has made the Rohingyas a community that has been forced to live at sea, both literally and metaphorically. Forced out of the lands where they had settled due to political, cultural and economic persecution (Myanmar) and being denied acceptance in Bangladesh that is claimed by the Burmese government as their point of origin, many of these state-less Rohingyas have perished in the waters that lie between these two apathetic territories.

While their identity continues to elicit divided opinions as a distinct demographic community, it is believed that historically the Rohingyas used to make up 30-40 percent of the population in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. Their numbers and their presence in the Burmese state has been on the decline due to active socio-political persecution. Today they are compelled to flee Myanmar due to persistent violence targeting them on account of their distinct faith.

As an ethnic community, it is believed that the Rohingyas trace their roots back to the 10th century and claim that their ethnic identity is distinct from both the Burmese and Bengalis. However, the ‘official’ records and Burmese perspective mention that they emigrated from the present-day Bangladesh during the British period. It is these differing views that have been behind the conflict between the Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists in the Rakhine state since the Buddhist-majority state of Myanmar sees them as non-indigenous and thus, undesirable.

Since the independence of Myanmar from British colonial rule, this group has been subjected to state repression and violence. During this period, this group faced both “direct violence” – physical violence with the intent of inflicting visible and evident harm on someone, and “structural violence” – a kind of violence that is embedded in state practices and social customs that may or may not take active, tangible shape but which still causes harm and places impediments to their progress.

Under fire

Direct violence has often included day-to-day instances of physical abuse, forced labor, abductions of Rohingya leaders and rapes of Rohingya women. It is important to note that sexual violence against Rohingya women not only amounts to a war-crime, but is also a deliberate act aimed at reducing (and subsequently eliminating) the population of this distinct ethnic group; a kind of crime that makes their persecution an act of genocide.

Apart from these regular travails, this group has faced three major crackdowns and instances of horrific violence in 1978, 1991, and recently in 2012. The current round of physical violence has reportedly claimed the lives of 400 Rohingyas.


What have been termed by the Burmese government as ‘crackdowns’ against ‘unlawful elements’ in the society have resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Rohingyas , with thousands having been forced to find refuge in different lands. They have, in international media reports, been termed as ‘state riots’ – acts of violence against the Rohingya population that was abetted by the state either due to direct participation or through deliberate dereliction of duty by the state to protect them.

The population that remains is mostly concentrated in the Rakhine region and is being forced to subsist in ghetto-like conditions. In fact, in the absence of state protection against persecution, ghettoization has been forced on this community that has not only stifled their progress but has made them more vulnerable to consolidated state and society-led assaults. It is important to note that besides the Buddhist population the state paramilitary, NASACA, has also been involved in these campaigns of direct violence.

‘Not our people’

Since independence from the British Empire, the Rohingya Muslims have been subjected to structural violence. Because of their perceived contested identity, the state of Myanmar does not consider them as the citizens of Myanmar. According to the Burma citizenship law of 1982, Burmese citizenship is restricted to those who can prove that their ancestors lived in the country before the first Anglo-Burmese war in 1824. This means that the Rohingyas have been subject to structural violence and according to Human Rights Watch, “including restrictions on their freedom of movement, discriminatory limitations on access to education, and arbitrary confiscation of property.”

For this reason, the Rohingya are not recognized as a national race and are considered as foreign residents according to the citizenship law. During my visit to a Rohingya refugee camp in New Delhi, this was confirmed by refugees who showed me their Mehman Cards, a kind of temporary cards in which the ethnicity is mentioned as Bengali. These refugees also confirmed instances of structural violence.

The Burmese Government restricts freedom of movement of the Rohingya population within the Rakhine state and in other parts of Burma thus violating Article 13 of the Universal declaration of Human Rights. Furthermore, the Burmese reserve secondary education for citizens only.

Therefore, the Rohingya cannot go beyond the 10th grade and therefore, are unable to secure jobs in the government, bureaucracies nor the private sector. Since the Rohingyas are not considered citizens, they are not allowed to keep their property. During crackdowns their properties were confiscated as one Refugee Sultan Ahmad from Delhi refugee camp revealed during a survey, “I was a rich farmer who owned his own land; only to see it getting taken away by the Buddhists.”

Leading a ‘bare life’

Persecuted in the land that their ancestors had made theirs, the current population of Rohingyas in the state of Myanmar presents a peculiar case. While their condition is certainly not unique, yet the denial of citizenship due to state mandated policies has made them state-less within the state they have inhabited for years. On the other hand, the refusal to accept Rohingyas by the state of Bangladesh has added to their misery since there is no land they can claim as their ‘homeland.’ An ‘unwanted’ existence of this community has made them a contemporary living version of Agamben’s bare life – a life that is exposed to death especially at the hands of sovereign violence.

Interestingly, while the state of Myanmar refuses to treat the persecution of Rohingyas as genocide Buddhist leaders and Rakhine nationalists have often invoked terms such as “race,” “ethnicity,” and “culture” in order to substantiate and justify their actions to the Buddhist majority of Myanmar. Drawing a legitimate parallel, it will be instructive to note that before and during the Holocaust, the Nazi leadership relied on the same terms to give authenticity to their plans. Besides, it is also evident from the behavior of offenders that they are aware of the fact that their actions will cause damage to the Rohingya population.

Therefore, by utilizing definition outlined by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Spencer’s qualitative approach, and Melson’s classification of genocide, it can be argued that the actions of State of Myanmar and Buddhist Rakhine are violating the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; and thus falls under the category of ‘partial’ genocide. In an interview, Professor William Schabas, the former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, argued in 2103: “We’re moving into a zone where the word can be used (in the case of the Rohingya). When you see measures preventing births, trying to deny the identity of the people, hoping to see that they eventually no longer exist, denying their history, denying the legitimacy of the right to live where they live, these are all warning signs that mean that it’s not frivolous to envisage the use of the term genocide.”

Whether the state of Myanmar acknowledges it or not, it is indeed involved in violation of the fundamental human rights of the Rohingyas. In fact, a statement that was issued by the former President of Myanmar, Thein Sein, soon after the 2012 crackdown, highlights that the solution (to the Rohingya problem) is either “refugee camps or deportation.” The military junta was seen as the problem and its removal from power as the probable first step towards ending such state-perpetrated ethnic violence. Tridib Deb, the co-chair of the Bangabandhu Lawyers Council, UK, has also noted in an interview that the presence of the military junta has been the real reason behind this conflict and believed democratization of Myanmar as the only solution at this point of time by uttering “It is the intention of the [Myanmar] government to force the Rohingya out of their ancestral homeland…but in order to have a solution we have to first democratize [Myanmar]…because [Myanmar] is not a democracy – the military junta can do anything.”

However, wanting, Myanmar today is a democratic state, but the plight of the Rohingya continues to remain the same. Has then faith in the power of democracy to bring a solution to this problem been ignored? The answer is not clear. While one can still blame the constitutional provisions that mandate a considerable presence of the military in the Parliament as the stumbling block in the path towards addressing the Rohingya issue, the fact that the State Counsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi has turned a blind eye towards the issue is not unknown. It is quite ironic that a known crusader for peace and democracy, one who was placed under house arrest for years, is least empathetic to the plight of those who are being persecuted similarly.

Now, since the Rohingyas are not considered citizens of Myanmar and the state is itself involved in violations of human rights, therefore, it becomes the responsibility of the international community to protect them, as the third pillar of the Responsibility to Protect clearly argues; “[T]he international community has a responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other means to protect populations from these crimes. If a State is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international community must be prepared to take collective action to protect populations, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.”

https://intpolicydigest.org/2016/12/05/between-rock-and-a-hard-place-the-bare-life-of-unwanted-rohingyas/

Thursday, May 7, 1992

BURMA: RAPE, FORCED LABOR AND RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION IN NORTHERN ARAKAN

Asia Watch
A DIVISION OF HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
May 7, 1992 Vol. 4, Issue 13

BURMA: RAPE, FORCED LABOR AND RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION IN NORTHERN ARAKAN

INTRODUCTION 1

ARAKAN AND THE ROHINGYA MUSLIMS.................................. 2
The 1978 Exodus.................................................. ............................ 4
The 1990 Election and Its Aftermath ........................................... ....5

Wednesday, May 31, 1978

( 31.05.1978 ) နဂါးမင်း စီမံချက် ဒီဗီဒီယို မှတ် တမ်း ၁၉၇၈ ခုနှစ် မေလ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့မှာ ရိုက် ကူး ထားခဲ့တာပါ။



Ro Nay San Lwin

ရိုဟင်ဂျာဂျီနိုဆိုက်အစ .. ဒီဗွီဒီယိုမှတ်တမ်းက ၁၉၇၈ ခုနှစ် မေလ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့မှာ ရိုက်ကူးထား ခဲ့ တာပါ။ နဂါးမင်းစီမံချက်နဲ့ ရိုဟင်ဂျာတွေကို အတင်းအဓမ္မ ဒုက္ခ သည် ဘဝတွန်းပို့ခဲ့ တုန်း ကပါ။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာတွေ...