A deeper resolve

The Journal Gazatte

Ye Win Latt

Thursday, April 15, 2021 

Anti-coup protesters march carrying slogans on pots with flowers as they mark the new year in Yangon, Myanmar, on Tuesday. Activists boycotted the official celebration of Thingyan, the country’s traditional New Year, usually a time for family reunions and merry-making. AP

The Feb. 1 military coup in Myanmar certainly overturned the progress toward democracy, yet it encountered grander challenges.

Frustrated Myanmar nationals came together in a rare occasion of coalescence despite escalating violence instigated by Myanmar's armed forces. Unity among different ethnic and religious groups became visible – a sign of a greater hope for a brighter future.

During the past decade of Myanmar's transition to democracy, the military gained legitimacy in politics to an extent largely criticized. Another five years of National League for Democracy party-led government would have been a continuation of the previous power-sharing arrangement between the party and the military.

The coup created a harsh power struggle instead. The military wants full control of the nation, and the people are no longer willing to compromise – especially after seeing the relentlessness of the armed forces following the coup.

Graphic videos on social media exposed what is happening on the ground. Heavy use of war weapons on unarmed protesters, extrajudiciary killings and physical assaults to detainees were captured. These images contradict the propaganda of the generals portraying Tatmadaw, Myanmar's armed forces, as the savior from disintegration of the union and the guardian of the people.

For some, those images were a reminder of forgiven and forgotten sights from the past. But for many, these images were once considered fabricated stories by Myanmar's ethnic minorities. The evidence of brutality by Myanmar's military is now out in the open for the world to observe.

Realizing the true nature of the Tatmadaw, the vast majority of Myanmar nationals no longer shy from expressing empathy toward minorities. Even the name “Rohingya,” a taboo in the recent past among the countrymen, is now openly accepted. This would have been a center of criticism in the pre-coup period. At least seven highly reputable student unions issued letters of apology to ethnic minorities, particularly the Rohingya, for their past ignorance and lack of empathy to their suffering.

An airstrike on Karen villages pushed more toward compassion among ordinary citizens. In response to an attack by the Karen National Union, a long-standing ethnic organization, the military launched the airstrike. Villagers had to flee for their lives – hiding out in the forest and heading to the Thailand border.

The people of Myanmar overwhelmingly condemned the attack on civilians. A sudden change of reaction toward the suffering of Myanmar's minorities was triggered by the firsthand experience of military repression.

In retaliation for the Tatmadaw's aggressive attacks, armed ethnic groups are collaborating with the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a legislative body comprising elected officials ousted in the coup. At least 20 ethnic armed groups are located in the outskirts on the mainland. The committee is aiming to unite the ethnic groups and form a federal army.

With Russia and China shielding Myanmar from international scrutiny, people's hope for United Nations intervention under Responsibility to Protect principle is unrealistic. The Responsibility to Protect now has to start from within. The nascent alliance of these ethnic armies, if the committee succeeds in forming a federal army, is expected to challenge the notorious Myanmar military inflicting large-scale civil war.

The same day Myanmar's hope for UN intervention blocked by China at the Security Council meeting March 31, attention switched to the abolishment of the 2008 constitution – commonly referred to as the green book crafted by the military.

Entering the parliament in 2012 under the framework of the 2008 constitution, the National League for Democracy vowed to amend the constitution. With the military safeguarding the parliament, the legal framework for constitutional amendment was impossible.

Now the dynamic has changed. The coup is unconstitutional and warrants abolishment.

The committee declared the 2008 constitution abolished and pledged to institute a new one. The Federal Democracy Charter, a 20-page manifesto issued by the committee, highlighted what the new constitution would look like – a long shot, yet a hopeful approach toward democratic federalism.

The Feb. 1 coup has sharply shifted Myanmar's political atmosphere. The situation may look grim and worse is inevitable, but hope for a better future is not lost.

Ye Win Latt is a Fort Wayne resident, with degrees from Indiana University and Indiana Wesleyan University.

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