A Lifetime in Detention: Rohingya Refugees in India

Refugees International
By Daniel P. Sullivan , Priyali Sur , Ankita Dan |
December 16, 2024

The Rohingya people of Myanmar are the world’s largest stateless population, estimated at some 2.8 million people. Denied citizenship and subject to decades of persecution by the military authorities in their home country, most of the Rohingya population was forced by genocidal violence to flee and is now spread across several countries. While the conditions of Rohingya refugees in countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia are widely documented, less attention is given to the approximately 22,500 Rohingya refugees registered with the UN Refugees Agency (UNHCR) who have fled to India. Even less attention is given to the hundreds of Rohingya who are arbitrarily and indefinitely detained in India and the fact that the broader population remains in constant risk of detention or even deportation back to Myanmar themselves.

မြန်မာ အပေါ် ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုဖြင့် ICJ တွင် တရားစွဲဆိုထားမှု တရားလို ဂမ်ဘီယာ ဘက်မှ ဘယ်လ်ဂျီယံနိုင်ငံက ပါဝင်ရန် လျှောက် ထား၊ တရားလိုနိုင်ငံဘက်မှ ရပ်တည်သော နိုင်ငံပေါင်း ၁၁ ခုရှိလာ

Khit Thit Media
ရန်ကုန်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁၇ 

ဓာတ်ပုံ – ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ICJ တရားရုံးတွင် တရားရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော စစ်ကောင်စီဘက်မှ ဝန်ကြီး ကိုကိုလှိုင်နှင့်အဖွဲ့။

 

မြန်မာအပေါ် ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုဖြင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး (ICJ) တွင် တရားစွဲဆိုထားမှုတွင် တရားလိုဂမ်ဘီယာနိုင်ငံဘက်မှ ဘယ်လ်ဂျီယံနိုင်ငံက ပါဝင်ရန် လျှောက်ထားလာကြောင်း ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင် ICJ က တရားဝင်သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်သည်။ 

ICC နဲ့ ICJ ဘာတွေဘယ်လိုကွာခြားလဲ

BBC
December 17 2024

မြန်မာစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်ကို ဖမ်းဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးပါဆိုပြီး အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး ICC ရဲ့ ရှေ့နေချုပ် ကရင်းမ်ခန်းက ရုံးတော်ထံ လျှောက်ထားမှုလုပ်ထားတဲ့ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး ICC က ဘယ်လိုလူတွေကို အရေးယူနိုင်လဲ။

စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် ICC အမှု တရားမျှတမှု ပိုကောင်းလာနိုင်ကြောင်း ကုလအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ပြော

RFA
RFA Burmese
2024.12.17 

၂ဝ၁၉ ခုနှစ် ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့က နယ်သာလန်နိုင်ငံ၊ သည်ဟိတ်မြို့ ICJ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးတွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာအရေး ကြားနာနေချိန် တရားရုံးအပြင်ဘက်က ဆန္ဒပြနေကြသူများအားတွေ့ရစဥ်။ Reuters

စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ဖမ်းဝရမ်းထုတ်ဖို့ လျှောက်ထားတဲ့ ICC ရှေ့နေ ချုပ်ရဲ့ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ဟာ တရားမျှတမှုအတွက် အရှိန်အဟုန်တစ်ခုကို တည်ဆောက်နိုင်တယ်လို့ မြန် မာ နိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် မစ္စတာ တွမ် အင်ဒရူးကပြောကြောင်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂက ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့မှာ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ပါတယ်။

မောင်တောတိုက်ပွဲနှင့် နောက်ဆက်တွဲ မွတ်ဆလင်ပျူ‌စောထီး ပြဿနာ

ဧရာဝတီ
သူ့အတွေး သူ့အမြင်
ဗညားအောင်
12 December 2024

မောင်တောမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ စစ်တပ်၏ နောက်ဆုံးလက်ကျန်စခန်းဖြစ်သည့် အမှတ် ၅ နယ်ခြားစောင့်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ခွဲ (နခခ ၅) လက်နက်ချသူများတွင် မွတ်ဆလင် လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ တွေ့ရသည် / AA Info Des

၂၀၂၄ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလဆန်း၌ မောင်တောမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ စစ်တပ်၏ နောက်ဆုံးလက်ကျန်စခန်းဖြစ်သည့် အမှတ် ၅ နယ်ခြားစောင့်ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ခွဲ (နခခ ၅) မြို့သူကြီးစခန်းအား အာရက္ခတပ်တော် (AA) က ပြောင်မြောက်စွာ တိုက်ခိုက်သိမ်းပိုက်ပြီးနောက် နတ်မြစ်ကြောင်းအပါအဝင် ၁၆၈ မိုင်ရှည်လျားသည့် ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နယ်စပ် တလျှောက်ကို AA က ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်၏။

Aung San Suu Kyi Asks U.S. Not to Refer to ‘Rohingya’

iSP
By ISP Admin
June 26, 2016 

BANGKOK — Myanmar recognizes 135 ethnic groups within its borders. But the people who constitute No. 136? They are the people-who-must-not-be-named.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Myanmar’s first democratically elected government since 1962, embraced that view last week when she advised the United States ambassador against using the term “Rohingya” to describe the persecuted Muslim population that has lived in Myanmar for generations.

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed Icon, Evades Rohingya Accusations

iSP
By ISP Admin |
September 20, 2017 

A version of this article appears in print on September 20, 2017, on Page A8 of the New York edition with the headline: Myanmar Leader, a Nobel Laureate, Defends Military From Rohingya Accusations.

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Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed Icon, Evades Rohingya Accusations
By RICHARD C. PADDOCK and HANNAH BEECH

NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar — Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and de facto leader of Myanmar, stood before a room of government officials and foreign dignitaries on Tuesday to at last, after weeks of international urging, address the plight of the country’s Rohingya ethnic minority.

But those who expected her to eloquently acknowledge a people’s oppression were disappointed.

In her speech, delivered in crisp English and often directly inviting foreign listeners to “join us” in addressing Myanmar’s problems, she steadfastly refused to criticize the country’s military, which has been accused of a vast campaign of killing, rape and village burning.

“The security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to the code of conduct in carrying out security operations, to exercise all due restraint and to take full measures to avoid collateral damage and the harming of innocent civilians,” she said.

It has been a stunning reversal for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 72, who was awarded the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her “nonviolent struggle for democracy and human rights.”

As she spoke, more than 400,000 Rohingya, a Muslim minority long repressed by the Buddhists who dominate Myanmar, had fled a military massacre that the United Nations has called a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.” The lucky ones are suffering in makeshift camps in Bangladesh where there is not nearly enough food or medical aid.

A stark satellite analysis by Human Rights Watch shows that at least 210 Rohingya villages have been burned to the ground since the offensive began on Aug. 25. Bangladeshi officials say land mines had been planted on Myanmar’s side of the border, posing a threat to the fleeing Rohingya.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi tried to mollify her critics by saying she was committed to restoring peace and the rule of law.

“We condemn all human rights violations and unlawful violence,” she said. “We feel deeply for the suffering of all the people caught up in the conflict.”

But, asking why the world did not acknowledge the progress made in her country, she also boasted that Muslims living in the violence-torn area had ample access to health care and radio broadcasts. And she expressed uncertainty about why Muslims might be fleeing the country, even as she sidestepped evidence of widespread abuses by the security forces by saying there had been “allegations and counter-allegations.”

Her speech was remarkably similar in language to that of the generals who had locked her up for the better part of two decades, in the process making her a political legend: the regal prisoner of conscience who vanquished the military with no weapons but her principles.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of the assassinated independence hero Aung San, who founded the modern Burmese Army. She is a member of the country’s elite, from the highest class of the ethnic Bamar Buddhist majority.

Officials in her government have accused the Rohingya, who have suffered decades of persecution and have been mostly stripped of their citizenship, of faking rape and burning their own houses in a bid to hijack international public opinion. She has done nothing to correct the record.

A Facebook page associated with her office suggested that international aid groups were colluding with Rohingya militants, whose attack on Myanmar police posts and an army base precipitated the fierce military counteroffensive. In a statement, her government labeled the insurgent strikes “brutal acts of terrorism.”

During her address, made from a vast convention center in Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s capital, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi tried to evoke a program of grand goals including democratic transition, peace, stability and development.

But she also cautioned that the country’s long experience with authoritarian rule and nearly seven decades of ethnic conflict in Myanmar’s frontier lands have frayed national unity.

“People expect us to overcome all these challenges in as short a time as possible,” she said, noting that her civilian government only took office last year. “Eighteen months is a very short time in which to expect us to meet and overcome all the challenges that we are facing.”

There were worrisome signs from the moment she entered a power-sharing agreement with the military after her National League for Democracy won the 2015 elections.

Myanmar’s generals — who ruled the country for nearly half a century and turned a resource-rich land also known as Burma into an economic failure — stage-managed every facet of the political transition. The Tatmadaw, as the Myanmar Army is known, kept the most important levers of power for itself.

It also effectively relegated Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi to the post of state counselor by designing a Constitution that kept her from the presidency.

“It’s always a dance with the generals,” said U Win Htein, an N.L.D. party elder and former military officer, who served alongside some of the Tatmadaw’s highest-ranking generals.

He warned that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had to placate an army with a history of pushing aside civilian leaders under the pretext of defending national sovereignty.

“The army, they are watching her every word,” he said. “One misstep on the Muslim issue, and they can make their move.”

Yet even before the compromises that accompanied her ascension to power, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was already distancing herself from the hopes invested in her by the rest of the world.

“Let me be clear that I would like to be seen as a politician, not some human rights icon,” she said in an interview shortly after her release from house arrest in 2010.

Such a recasting of her role has disappointed Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureates. In an open letter, Desmond Tutu, the South African former archbishop, advised his “dearly beloved younger sister” that “if the political price of your ascension to the highest office in Myanmar is your silence, the price is surely too steep.”

Muhammad Yunus, the Bangladeshi social entrepreneur and recipient of the prize in 2006, was more pointed.

“She should not have received a Nobel Peace Prize if she says, sorry, I’m a politician, and the norms of democracy don’t suit me,” he said in a telephone interview with The New York Times. “The whole world stood by her for decades, but today she has become the mirror image of Aung San Suu Kyi by destroying human rights and denying citizenship to the Rohingya.”

“All we can do,” he said, “is pray for the return of the old Aung San Suu Kyi.”

Beyond her personal legacy, the direction of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership carries global consequence.

“This is a democratic moment, and she represents Burma’s democratic promise,” said Derek Mitchell, the former American ambassador to Myanmar. “The country sits at the crossroads of Asia in a region where democracy is in retreat, which makes Burma’s success even more important.”

In Tuesday’s speech, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, acknowledged the state of democracy in her country.

“We are a young and fragile democracy facing many problems,” she said, “but we have to cope with them all at the same time.”

But she also stressed that “more than 50 percent” of Rohingya villages in Myanmar’s western state of Rakhine remained “intact.” And she seemed to borrow vocabulary from a self-help manual when she described the need to research why certain villages had not been touched by the violence.

“We have to remove the negative and increase the positive,” she said.

Through all of the current Rohingya crisis, and a series of military offensives against other ethnic armed groups, she has publicly supported the military.

“We do not have any trust in Aung San Suu Kyi because she was born into the military,” said Hkapra Hkun Awng, a leader of the Kachin ethnic group from northern Myanmar, one of more than a dozen minorities whose rebel armies have fought the Tatmadaw over the decades. “She is more loyal to her own people than to the ethnics. Her blood is thicker than a promise of national reconciliation.”

Even before the mudslinging of the 2015 election campaign, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was sidestepping questions about the sectarian violence in Rakhine that disproportionately affected the Rohingya. Rather than condemning pogroms against the persecuted Muslim minority, she has dismissed accusations of ethnic cleansing and called, instead, for rule of law to solve any problem.

Because most Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship by the military, it has not been clear how any laws might apply to them. Even though Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi said Tuesday that Myanmar was prepared to repatriate refugees who can establish that they are residents of Myanmar, that may be a formidable task for people who are unlikely to have documents proving that.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has largely shielded herself from the media and has holed up in the capital. Although a year ago, as the nation’s new civilian leader, she attended the United Nations General Assembly, and was celebrated by world leaders, this year she chose not to attend, avoiding criticism of her stance on the Rohingya.

Several heads of state who spoke on the General Assembly’s first day of speeches on Tuesday in New York assailed Myanmar for the Rohingya crackdown, with some describing it as an anti-Muslim atrocity.

The president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, whose country’s population of nearly 200 million is nearly half Muslim, said “the Myanmar crisis is very reminiscent of what happened in Bosnia in 1995 and in Rwanda in 1994.” The president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose country is majority Muslim and who spoke with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi recently, said the Rohingya had been “subjected to almost an ethnic cleansing, with provocative terrorist acts used as a pretext.”

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is attuned enough to public sentiment to understand the deep reservoir of anti-Muslim sentiment in Myanmar. If anything, her equivocations on the Rohingya have given currency to the widely held assumption in Myanmar that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh who have occupied land that rightfully belongs to the Burmese.

Since Myanmar’s political transition began, a virulent strain of Buddhist extremism has pushed such attitudes further into the mainstream. Influential monks have preached anti-Muslim rhetoric and pushed successfully for a law that circumscribes interfaith marriage. 

 “Buddhist nationalist radicalism has been allowed to spread basically unchecked,” said Min Zin, the executive director of the Institute for Strategy and Policy Myanmar. “The government is doing very little to stop it.”

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader, arriving to deliver a speech in Naypyidaw on Tuesday addressing the plight of the country’s Rohingya ethnic minority. Credit Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters

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Saw Nang contributed reporting from Naypyidaw, and Rick Gladstone from New York.

Resolving the Rohingya crisis needs a three-pronged diplomatic strategy

THE BUSINESS STANDARD
Dr Mohammad Tarikul Islam
11 October, 2024,

Bangladesh now needs to take proactive and well-coordinated action to stop the Rohingya migration and move towards the restoration of their rights

Rohingya refugees' fear of violence upon their return caused previous attempts at repatriation in 2018 and 2019 to fail. Photo: Bloomberg

Because of the presence of around one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, concerns have been raised about the safety of the native people. In spite of diplomatic efforts, Myanmar, which has been ruled by a military junta since 2021, has refused to allow its Rohingya citizens to return home, infuriating Bangladesh and jeopardising regional stability. 

Dhaka to host int’l conference on Rohingya issue in Sept-Oct next: CA press secretary

prothomalo
BSS
Published: 10 Dec 2024

Chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam briefing newsmen at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital on Tuesday evening.PID

 

Bangladesh will hold an international conference on Rohingya crisis in Dhaka in September-October next year, said chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam on Tuesday.

Dhaka won't take any hasty steps over Rohingya issue: Dr Khalil

daily observer
Saturday, 14 December, 2024

 

Dr Khalilur Rahman, High Representative on Rohingya Crisis and Matters of Priority to the Chief Adviser, on Friday said Bangladesh would not take any hasty step over Rohingya issue without any proper assessment regarding the emerging situation in Rakhine state of Myanmar.

"We're keeping watch on the emerging situation in Rakhine….. We don't want to do anything hastily. We'll not take any step without deep consideration," he said, joining a discussion here in the capital through a virtual platform.

စစ်ကောင်စီအကြီးအကဲကို ICC ဖမ်းဝရမ်းထုတ်ဖို့ ကုလလူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကိုယ်စားလှယ်တိုက်တွန်း

VOA
ဗွီအိုအေ (မြန်မာဌာန)
၁၆ ဒီဇင်ဘာ၊ ၂၀၂၄ 

ကုလ မြန်မာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews 

 

မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှုရှိလာစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး ICC ကတရားစွဲ ရှေ့နေချုပ် Karim Khan က စစ်ကောင်စီအကြီးအကဲ ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ဖမ်းဝရမ်း ထုတ်ပေးဖို့ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို အခွင့်ကောင်းယူ လုပ်ဆောင်သင့်တယ်လို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးစုံစမ်း စစ်ဆေးရေးမှူး Tom Andrews က ပြောကြားလိုက်ပါတယ်။

ရိုဟင်ဂျာတွေကို လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုစွဲချက်မှာ ဘယ်လ်ဂျီယံနိုင်ငံပါဝင်လာ

RFA
RFA Burmese
2024.12.16 

၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် အောက်တိုဘာ ၉ ရက်နေ့က ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံကို ထွက်ပြေးခိုလှုံလာကြသည့် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်မှ ရိုဟင်ဂျာဒုက္ခသည်များ။ Photo: AFP

ရိုဟင်ဂျာတွေကို လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (ICJ) မှာ ဂမ်ဘီယာနိုင်ငံက တရားစွဲထားတဲ့အမှုမှာ ပါဝင်ခွင့်ပြုဖို့ ဘယ်လ်ဂျီယံနိုင်ငံက လျှောက်ထားလာကြောင်း ICJ က ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့မှာ ထုတ်ပြန်ပါတယ်။

Chat GPT နှင့် AI မြန်မာ

Chat GPT နှင့် AI မြန်မာ

Mon, 06/03/2024 - 12:10 -- journal_editor

အတွဲ(၂၄)၊ အမှတ်(၇)

AI ဆိုသည်မှာ ဉာဏ်ရည်တုနည်းပညာဖြစ်သည်။ လူကဲ့သို့ အသိပညာ ထည့်သွင်းထားသည့် နည်းပညာဖြစ်သည်ဟုလည်း ယနေ့ခေတ်တွင် လူအများစုသိရှိကြပြီးဖြစ်မည် ထင်ပါသည်။ AI သည် လူများ နေ့စဉ်ထိတွေ့ အသုံးပြုနေသည့် ဖုန်း၊ ကွန်ပျူတာ စသည့်အရာများတွင် မရှိမဖြစ်အရေးပါသည့် နည်းပညာတစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ရာ ယခုအခါ AI ကို အခြေခံပြီး ပေါ်ထွက်လာသည့် နည်းပညာမှာ Chat GPT ဟုခေါ်သည့် ဉာဏ်ရည်တုနည်းပညာကို အခြေခံပြီး လူသားများ၏ ဘာသာစကားများနှင့် စိတ်ခံစားချက်၊ အမူအကျင့်များ ကိုပါ ထည့်သွင်းအသုံးပြုထားပြီး လူသားများနှင့် တိုက်ရိုက် ထိတွေ့ ဆက်ဆံနိုင်သည့် နည်းပညာတစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ Chat GPT သည်AI Language modelတစ် ခုလည်းဖြစ်ပြီး Chat GPTကို အသုံးပြုပြီး မေးခွန်းများ ဖြေဆိုခြင်း၊ စကားပုံများ ဖြေဆိုခြင်း၊ စကားအပြန် အလှန် ပြောဆိုနိ်ုင်ခြင်းနှင့် သိလိုသည်များကို ရှာဖွေနိုင်သည့် အကျိုး ကျေးဇူးများ ရရှိနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ မေးခွန်းတစ်ခုမေးလျှင် ၎င်း မေးခွန်းနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သည့် Creative ဖြစ်တဲ့အဖြေများကို ပြန်လည် ထုတ်ပေးနိုင်စွမ်းရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ ယခင်Googleမှာ ရှာ သကဲ့သို့ Resource တွေအများကြီးကInformations များ လိုက်စု နေစရာမလိုတော့ဘဲ ChatGPTက လိုတိုရှင်းပြီးထိရောက်သည့် အ‌ဖြေများ ပေးနိုင်ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပြီး သိလိုသည်များနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း ၍လည်း အနီးစပ်ဆုံး အဖြေအထိ ထုတ်ပေးနိုင်သည့် နည်းပညာ တစ်ခုအနေနှင့်လည်း တွေ့ရှိရသည်။

မောင်တောကျပြီးနောက် မွတ်ဆလင်လက်နက်ကိုင် အဖွဲ့သစ်တစ်ဖွဲ့ ထွက်ပေါ်လာ

DMG
ဒီဇင်ဘာ ၁၃  ၂၀၂၄

ANDF အဖွဲ့သည် လက်ရှိတွင် စစ်တွေတပ်နယ်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်တွင် စစ်သင်တန်း တက်ရောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း လုံခြုံရေးအရအမည်မဖော်လိုသည့် မွတ်ဆလင်အသိုင်းဝိုင်းမှ ဩဇာရှိသူတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။ 

လူမှုကွက်ယက်ပေါ် ပျံ့နှံနေသော ဗီဒီယိုတွင်တွေ့ရသော ANDF တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ။ 

 

ရခိုင်တွင် မြို့နယ်အများစုကို သိမ်းပိုက်ထိန်းချုပ်ထားသည့် အာရက္ခတပ်တော်(AA)ကို တိုက်ခိုက်ရန်ဟုဆိုကာ Arakan National Defence Force – ANDF အမည်ပေးထားသည့် မွတ်ဆလင်လက် နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့ အသစ်တစ်ဖွဲ့ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်ကြောင်း ဗီဒီယိုဖိုင်နှင့်တကွ လူမှုကွန်ယက်စာမျက်နှာတွင် ပျံ့နှံ့နေသည်။

Unholy Alliance: Myanmar Military Junta and Arakan Army vs Rohingya

Workers' Liberty
by martin on
Author: Hein Htet Kyaw
12 December, 2024 

Pic: displaced Rohingya in 2017, from Wikimedia Commons

The Rohingya are an Indo-Aryan ethnic group from the state of Arakan (Rakhine). A British scholar named Francis Buchanan-Hamilton said in his 1799 article "Burma Empire" that "the Mohammedans, who have long dwelt in Arakan," refer to themselves as "Rooinga, or natives of Arakan". "Inhabitant of Rohang" was the early Muslim name for Arakan.

မင်းအောင်လှိုင် တစ်သက်တာ ရှောင်ပြေးနေရမည့် အိုင်စီစီ ဖမ်းဝရမ်း

Myanmar Now
သုတဇော်
December 11, 2024

စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ဖမ်းဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး (အိုင်စီစီ) ၏ တရားစွဲအရာရှိ Karim A.A. Khan KC က ခုံရုံးသို့ နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဦးတိုက်လျှောက်ထားမှုသည် မြန်မာ့အရေး နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်း၏ ကြိုးပမ်းအဖြေရှာမှုများအထဲ နောက်ဆုံး ပေါ်ထွက်လာသော နည်းလမ်းတစ်ခု ဖြစ်လာပါသည်။

Arakan Army’s takeover of northern Rakhine: What fate awaits the Rohingyas?

THE BUSINESS STANDARD
SM Abrar Aowsaf
11 December, 2024, 

As the Arakan Army gains full control of northern Rakhine, fears of renewed violence against the Rohingya mount, complicating repatriation efforts

With the Arakan Army gaining power, the fate of the Rohingiyas remains uncertain.

With the Myanmar army having been driven out of their last outpost in Maungdaw, there is uncertainty on both sides of the 271-kilometre-long Bangladesh-Myanmar border, the Burmese side of which is now under complete control of the Arakan Army.

After Omar, Farooq advocates humanitarian approach for Rohingya Refugees

NEWS VIBES OF INDIA
NVI Correspondent
December 10, 2024

File photo: National Conference President Dr Farooq Abdullah

 

Srinagar, Dec 10(NVI): National Conference President Farooq Abdullah today reignited debate on the plight of Rohingya refugees in Jammu and Kashmir, advocating a humanitarian approach to their treatment.

China Compels Myanmar Rebel Groups To Negotiate With Junta – OpEd

eurasiareview
By Subir Bhaumik
December 10, 2024

China has forced two powerful armed rebel groups in north Myanmar to start negotiations with the Burmese military junta and call off the 1027 offensive they started October last year.

Experts say this might well be the most decisive Chinese intervention to stop a conflict in its neighborhood and might well set the tenor for a more proactive future policy on such issues.

Arakan Army could be key to justice for the Rohingya

ARAB NEWS
Dr. Azeem Ibrahim
December 09, 2024

By engaging with all stakeholders, the international community can help turn this opportunity into a foundation for peace (AFP)

For more than a decade, the Rohingya people of Myanmar have faced unimaginable suffering: denied citizenship, subjected to systemic violence and forced to flee their ancestral homes. Today, nearly 1 million of them live in overcrowded camps in Bangladesh, where dwindling international aid and political instability have pushed them to the brink.